New and Distinctive Set of Values Essay Example for Free

New and Distinctive Set of Values Essay To what extent and for what reasons did New Labour succeed in introducing a new and distinctive set of values to the conduct of Britain’s external relations between 1997 and 2010? Introduction As John Rentoul has observed in his biography of Tony Blair, â€Å"Prime Ministers always run their own foreign policy† (Rentoul, 2001: 420). This was certainly true of Tony Blair and New Labour. That itself is a reason why Britain’s external relations in the shape of New Labour’s foreign policy can only be properly understood by reference to the foreign policy philosophy espoused by Blair and his response to world events during his leadership over three terms in office. In New Labour’s third term (2005-10) the interventionist policy that dominated the previous two terms qwas an important hangover even to Gordon Brown’s premiership, although, ultimately Brown’s period as leader was dominated by the global finical crisis. On the eve of the Labour party’s 1997 election victory John Major’s Conservative government had little credibility with the Clinton administration in Washington or with European governments (Wallace, 2005: 54). This was a position that the new Prime Minister, Tony Blair wanted to address. At the Lord Mayor’s Banquet on 10 November 1997 Blair set out five guiding lights on Europe including being a leading partner in Europe. He postulated that the single currency would be â€Å"good for the EU† (Lord Mayors Banquet, 1997). For Blair, British foreign policy should aim to be â€Å"strong in Europe and strong with the US†¦Ã¢â‚¬  and that Britain was â€Å"the bridge between the US and Europe† (Lord Mayors Banquet, 1997). At the same venue, on 22 November 1999, Blair implicitly invoked Winston Churchill’s â€Å"three circles† doctrine that conjured up Britain’s relationship with the Commonwealth, the special relationship with the United States and the European dimension. According to Churchill Britain was the pivot around whom these relationships were to exist. Blair, accepting that the British Commonwealth was a â€Å"lost† Empire argued that Britain’s role was that of a pivotal power, as a power that was at â€Å"the crux of the alliances and  international politics which shape the world and its future† (Lord Mayors Banquet, 1997). The intention in this essay is to focus on certain fundamental aspects of New Labour foreign policy that impacted on British relationships with Europe and the World at large. The primary focus will be on the so-called â€Å"Blair Effect† simply because, as Prime Minister, he was pivotal to the New Labour philosophy. Europe As Anne Deighton has observed both the Labour and Conservative parties at various times have suffered internal dissension over the European Union (EU) (Deighton, 2007: 307). The focus of the Labour 1997 general election campaign on Europe was one where the Labour manifesto promised to â€Å"give Britain the leadership in Europe which Britain and Europe need† (Labour-party, 1997). It was important for the Labour party to highlight its commitment to Europe, in contrast to the tensions within the Conservative party. Europe apart, however, the 1997 election campaign did not highlight significant differences between the Labour and Conservative parties. There was an expectation that there would be â€Å"considerable continuity† in foreign affairs in the event of a change of government (Wickham-Jones, 2000: 8). Subsequently, in the course of New Labour’s first term in office Blair made regular pronouncements about Britain’s role in Europe. There was action as well as rhetoric. Shortly after taking office Britain ended its opt-out from the social chapter of the Maastricht Treaty and signed up to the increased EU powers enshrined in the Amsterdam Treaty. British presidency of the EU provided a ready platform for Britain to pursue an enlargement agenda. The St Malo summit in December 1998 provided Blair with a platform to collaborate with President Jacques Chirac of France to promote an Anglo-French initiative on European defence (fco.gov, 1998). This European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP) has been described as part of â€Å"arguably the most pro-active upstream period of the Labour government’s utilitarian supranationalism† (Bulmer, 2008: 602). Notwithstanding Blair’s pivotal role  in the creation of the ESDP, it has been argued that, in comparison to Conservative policy on European Security and Defence, the Blair approach was less a seismic shift in British policy, and more of a change of strategy† (Dryburgh, 2010: 271). The essential change, in comparison to the Conservative party approach was one where Blair was prepared to adopt a leadership role in contrast to the former John Major government’s focus of diverting attention away from EU initiatives, and in the case of defence, a focus on the strengthening of NATO (Dryburgh, 2010: 267-268). The relationship between Blair and Gordon Brown was also relevant to the New Labour approach to Europe. On 27 October 1997 Gordon Brown announced the government’s policy on the Euro. This consisted on a three pronged policy that supported (a) a successful single currency, (b) that was constitutionally acceptable but (c) had to satisfy five economic tests (hm-treasury, 2008). This approach was allied to a commitment to hold a referendum on membership of the Euro. The â€Å"key determinant† (Bulmer, 2008: 601) of this policy was the economic tests that included whether joining the Euro would be good for employment. In the event, during Labour’s second term, on 9 June 2003 Gordon Brown announced that only one test was met that relating to a beneficial impact on UK financial services – a result that removed joining the Euro from the political agenda and, in a real sense, reduced New Labour’s pronouncements on the Euro as posturing and meaningless rheto ric. The reality of New Labour’s European strategy was not to alienate the support base that ultimately mattered – the British electorate. The UK was a Euro-sceptic member state of the EU and a UK government’s EU policy could not put at risk a parliamentary majority. The decoupling of the single currency allied to the promise of a referendum in that first term became a legacy of New Labour that has now achieved a degree of permanence that has survived through and beyond the 2010 election. The Blair and New Labour momentum on Europe stalled after the 9/11 attacks on the Twin Towers. The focus on the war on terror and the transatlantic alliance that was nurtured by the 9/11 attacks became an all encompassing distraction with the result that â€Å"Europe has been a central failure of his (Blair’s) premiership† (Riddell, 2005: 383). Ethical foreign policy On 12 May 1997 the then Foreign Secretary Robin Cook declared that â€Å"†¦foreign policy must have an ethical dimension and must support the demands of other people for the democratic rights on which we insist for ourselves† (Rentoul, 2001: 421). Cook denied ever using the phrase â€Å"ethical foreign policy† or that there would be an ethical foreign policy (Wickam-Jones, 2000: 29). What is undeniable is that New Labour, through Cook, viewed human rights as a central plank of foreign policy because human rights were rights â€Å"we claim for ourselves and which we therefore have a duty to defend for those who do not get to enjoy them† (Wickham-Jones, 2000: 11). This ethical dimension served to identify â€Å"clear blue water† between New Labour’s foreign policy and previous administrations, including previous Labour governments (Little, 2000: 4). Furthermore, although the concept of an â€Å"ethical dimension† was articulated by Cook, it chimed with Blair’s â€Å"third way† in the sense that globalisation demanded an approach to the modern world that was â€Å"qualitatively different from the past† (Williams, 2010: 54). The â€Å"ethical dimension,† however, was converted by media sources into an â€Å"ethical foreign policy† and served to create the sense that New Labour â€Å"were introducing ethics to a sphere of government that was previously devoid of ethical commitments† (Williams, 2010:57). Such a lofty ambition was impossible to achieve in the real political world. This philosophy created a platform on which criticism could be levelled to contrast the reality with the aspiration, for example, in connection with the arms trade where New Labour continued a policy that was a â€Å"highly permissive approach to exports† (Cooper, 2001: 73). The ethical dimension strategy became a â€Å"millstone† (Williams, 2010: 61) around the Foreign Secretary’s neck. It is worthy of note that the New Labour manifesto for the 2001 general election with its foreign policy focus on â€Å"Britain strong in the world† (REF) was designed to herald a change in focus. Kosovo and beyond. Blair’s Chicago speech (number-10.gov, 1999) on 22 April 1999 was an important landmark in New Labour’s external relationships. It represented a key moment in â€Å"the history of liberal interventionist discourse†¦Ã¢â‚¬  (Daddow, 2009: 549). Active involvement in other people’s conflicts was justified if five considerations were satisfied, including exhausting all diplomatic options and being sure of the case for intervention. This interventionist approach relied on the notion that there was a moral dimension to international action that did not depend on the norms of international law. The backdrop to the speech was what Blair described as â€Å"a just war† in Kosovo that was â€Å"based not on any territorial ambitions but on values.† Blair’s vision of success whereby an international force would enter Kosvo and allow refugees to return to their homes was ultimately realised. His strident crusade to provoke NATO and the US President Clinton into action was seen as a triumph that â€Å"earned him great respect with so many of the world leaders† (Rentoul, 2001). Following the September 11 attacks Blair reinforced his interventionist stance at the Labour Party Conference (2001) by declaring that, along with the United States, Britain had a â€Å"duty† to protect the rights of citizens of other states, including those of the Afghan people. On this approach, the carpet-bombing of Afghanistan could be claimed to be â€Å"an action undertaken on behalf of Afghan citizens† (Chandler, 2003: 307). What this policy omits is any real engagement with the Afghan people themselves and, at its crudest, becomes a recipe for innocent collateral loss of life. Iraq became the yardstick against which New Labour’s foreign policy particularly during its second term and the Blair legacy has come to be judged. Iraq was inextricably tied in with the so-called special relationship between Britain and the US and the humanitarian interventionist policy. The special relationship was not new and even today the special relationship has a â€Å"political and ideological superstructure and an embedded military and intelligence structure† (Wallace, 2009: 263). Yet under Blair there was unconditional support for the Bush administration’s desire to invade Iraq. Although the so-called â€Å"Poodle Theory† might be â€Å"simplistic and  at best, overstated† (Azubuike, 2005: 137) Blair was prepared to join Bush in pursuing a disastrous and illegal campaign (Azubuike, 2005: 137). Robin Cook perhaps best summarised the flaw in Blair’s approach – in explaining that by becoming a â€Å"trusty partner of the most reactionary US Administration in modern time† such an â€Å"unlikely alliance† would cause disruption in his own party (Cook, 2003: 2). The New Labour interventionist approach to conflict justified by humanitarian concerns that had proved successful in the past left a legacy that â€Å"turned to ashes† the Blair/New Labour vision of Britain that visualised â€Å"spreading good around the world† (Toynbee and Walker, 2005: p194). Gordon Brown as Prime Minister had to maintain the line that Blair’s foreign policy initiatives were justified because, as a central figure in New Labour he could not detach himself from the major foreign policy goals pursued by New Labour and Blair. Iraq and Afghanistan required to be managed. Conclusion The blueprint for New Labour external relations with a focus on leadership in Europe and an ethical dimension to world events in New Labour’s first term promised much, but by the third term was transformed into one where Europe became an intractable problem clouded by immigration and euro-scepticism. Furthermore, in Europe the New Labour policy of stringent economic tests became an agenda for non-entry to the euro. The New Labour policy of interventionism overlooked the fundamental truth that when it really mattered in Iraq and Afghanistan winning the war in a military sense became irrelevant if peace could not be secured thereafter. A humanitarian agenda without a secure peace becomes an agenda that lacks real morality. New Labour began with a positive external relations agenda that promised much but ultimately failed to deliver. Bibliography Azubuike, J. 2005. The â€Å"Poodle Theory† and the Anglo-American â€Å"Special Relationship†Ã¢â‚¬â„¢ International studies, 42(2), pp. 123-139. Bulmer, S. 2008. New Labour, New European Policy? Blair, Brown and Utilitarian Supranationalism, Parliamentary Affairs, 61(4), pp. 597-620. Chandler, D. 2003. Rhetoric without responsibility: the attraction of ‘ethical’ foreign policy, British Journal of Politics and International Relations, 5(3), pp. 295-316. Cook, R. 2004. The Point of Departure, Diaries from the Front Bench. London: Simon and Schuster UK Ltd. Cooper, N. 2000, Arms Exports New Labour and the Pariah Agenda, Contemporary Security Policy, 21(3), pp. 54-77. Daddow, O. 2009. Tony’s war? Blair, Kosovo and the interventionist impulse in British foreign policy, International Affairs, 85(3), pp. 547-560. Deighton, A. 2001. European Union Policy. In: A Seldon, ed. 2001. The Blair London: Little, Brown and Company. Ch.15. Dryburgh, L. 2010. Blair’s First Government (1997-2001) and European Security and Defence Policy: Seismic Shift or Adaptation?, The British Journal of Politics and International Relations, 12(2), pp. 257-273 Labour party manifesto, 1997. Archive of Labour Party Manifestos. [online]. Available at: http://www.labour-party.org.uk/manifestos/1997/1997-labour-manifesto.shtml [Accessed on 7 December 2014]. Rentoul, J., 2001. Tony Blair, Prime Minister London: Little, Brown and Company. Riddell, P. 2005. Europe. In: A. Seldon and D. Kavanagh, ed. 2005. The Blair Effect 2001-5, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Ch.16. Wallace, W. 2005. The collapse of British foreign policy, International Affairs, 82(1), pp. 53-68. Wallace, W. and Phillips, C. 2009. Reassessing the special relationship, International Affairs, 85(2), pp. 263-284. Whitman, G. R. The Clam After the Storm? Foreign and Security Policy from Blair to Brown, Parliamentary Affairs, 63(4), pp. 834-848. Wickham-Jones, M. 2000. Labour’s trajectory in foreign affairs: the moral crusade of a pivotal power? In: R. Little and M. Wickham-Jones, ed. 2000. New Labours Foreign Policy, Manchester: Manchester University Press. Ch.1. Williams, P. 2010. The Rise and Fall of the ‘Ethical Dimension’: Presentation and Practice in New Labour’s Foreign Policy, Cambridge Review of International Affairs, 15(1), pp. 53-63.

Quantitative Chemical Analysis

Quantitative Chemical Analysis Quantitative chemical analysis, which is commonly referred to as stoichiometry, is the quantitative relationship between the reactants and the products in a balanced chemical equation. The term stoichiometry is a combination of two words derived from the Greek language: stoicheion (meaning element) and metron (meaning measure). Stoichiometric calculations are dependent upon the law of conservation of mass which states that all matter cannot be created nor destroyed, thus in any chemical reaction that occurs in a closed system the mass of the products is equivalent to the mass of the reactants. Due to such laws of nature, a chemical equation must be balanced in order for the amounts to remain equivalent following the reaction (Chemical Stoichiometry). The coefficients in a balanced chemical equation represent the ratio between the particles in a perfect reaction, where all the particles in a chemical experiment will react. These ratios are also classified as the stoichiometric or mola r ratio, which can be compared between any of the compounds in a reaction, which includes both reactants and products. These ratios can be used interchangeably for any particle in stoichiometric calculations because moles simply represent a specific amount of particles, thus the molar ratio within the equation is the proportional relation of each element or compound to one another. Stoichiometry is also useful when calculating mass ratios because if the mass of any substance in a reaction is known, the mass of any other substance can be calculated (â€Å"Reaction Stoichiometry†). Stoichiometric calculations are very important in real life applications because having the accurate proportions of any item is important when limited amounts of a certain reactant is present, which is useful to reduce cost and waste. Additionally, stoichiometry is significant in the field of chemistry as chemical calculations can be used to prevent overdose since many chemicals may be toxic in inade quate amounts. An example of an everyday stoichiometric calculation can be displayed through the act of making a smore. Two crackers, one marshmallow, and three chocolate squares must be used to formulate an entire smore (as show in figure 1). One can only be formed if exact amounts of each ingredient is used. However if only 1 cracker is available, a smore could no longer be formed. Figure 1. Stoichiometry is most commonly used when one reactant completely reacts with the other in a chemical reaction. These absolute amounts are called theoretical yield. On the other hand, when performing a lab, the reactants will not be in perfect stoichiometric amounts because of potential errors that occur during an experiment. Therefore the actual yield of an experiment may not correspond to the theoretical yield. In order to find the percent yield, the theoretical yield must be divided by the actual yield and multiplied by one hundred. Examples of errors that may result in loss of yield include temperature, surface area, pressure, medium, the purity of the reactants, procedural mistakes, poor technique, lab accidents, or miscalculations (Theoretical and Percent Yield). As well, competing reactions can also contribute to the loss of yield. These reactions occur at the same time as the initial reaction, and consequently use the compounds and element in the initial reactions. Due to the many factors can contribute to the amount of yield lost, it is important that their effects are considered once performing the experiment. In stoichiometric calculations there will most often be leftover reactants causing a short supply, due to the imperfect quantities of each reactant due to the potential errors or an insufficient amount of a reactant. In an equation that is not in a perfect stoichiometric ratio, a limiting and excess reactant will always be present. The limiting reactant is the one that forms the smaller amount of product, thus stopping and limiting the reaction after it is completely consumed. While, the excess reactant is the one that is leftover after the reaction is stopped by the limiting reactant (Chemical Stoichiometry). Using the smore as an example, if an insufficient amount of ingredients are present than a smore cannot be formed. If there are four crackers, one marshmallow, but only five pieces of chocolate squares, only one smore will be assembled instead of two. Hence, in this scenario the chocolate squares would be the limiting reactant. Even though the chocolate squares represent the la rgest number of ingredient, an inadequate amount is present therefore the rest of the ingredients will appear in excess. It is important to always use the limiting reactant to determine the final product. If an excess reactant is used, there would not be enough of the limiting reactant to create the product. In addition, it is not possible to determine the limiting reactant instantly from the masses given, since stoichiometry is in proportions by moles. The mass of each compound cannot be compared because the molecular weight of each compound is different. Nevertheless, compounds can be compared by moles since molecules react on a molecular level which makes the amount consistent throughout the chemical equation. For example, the amount of one mole of hydrogen is equivalent to one mole of carbon, although one mole of hydrogen weighs 1.01 grams while a mole of carbon weighs 12.01g. Therefore, in all standard stoichiometric calculations any measurement must first be converted into mol es in order to be compared to another (MOLS, PERCENTS, and STOICHIOMETRY). The purpose of the lab performed is to produce two grams of copper through a single displacement reaction between Copper (II) Chloride Dihydrate and solid Aluminum. When determining whether a single displacement reaction will take place, the activity series (See Apendix _) must be considered. Given that Aluminum is higher on the activity series than copper, meaning that it is more reactive, the Aluminum will begin to bond with the chlorine, thus replacing the Copper in the Copper (II) Chloride compound. This would result in the Copper (II) Chloride compound to break apart, creating solid Copper and Aluminum Chloride solution. Another factor that must be considered when performing a single displacement reaction, is that the compound must be changed into an aqueous solution, in which the element would then be placed. Consequently, Copper (II) Chloride Dihydrate must be dissolved in water when creating an aqueous solution. An exact amount of 4.23 grams of aqueous Copper (II) Chloride an d as well as 0.566 grams of Aluminum must be used in order for a perfect reaction to occur, which was established through stoichiometric calculations (See Apendix _). However, this experiment required Aluminum to act as the excess reactant, therefore 1 gram of Aluminum was obtained instead of 0.566 grams. Additionally, since only Copper (II) Chloride Dihydrate is available, and the anhydrous form was used in the balanced chemical equation, the amount of the hydrous form must be found in order to identify how much must be utilized. Through stoichiometric calculations (See Appendix _), 5.36 grams of Copper (II) Chloride Dihydrate would need to be acquired for a perfect reaction to take place. Although, since lab data is not generally accurate due to procedural inaccuracies, the actual yield obtained during the trial may not correspond to the theoretical yield, which was determined using the stoichiometric calculations. Without error exactly two grams would be produced, however an oxid ization process will occur which will consequently add on additional weight to the solid copper product. Due to oxidization and as well the possibility of not being able to remove excess aluminum from the product, the estimated yield percent would most likely be over 100%, but may be balanced out if any errors in the process of the trial take place. WORK CITED Source: Boundless. â€Å"Reaction Stoichiometry.†Boundless Chemistry. Boundless, 14 Nov. 2014. Retrieved 18 Apr. 2015 from https://www.boundless.com/chemistry/textbooks/boundless-chemistry-textbook/chemical-kinetics-13/reaction-rates-98/reaction-stoichiometry-414-3637/ http://www.science.uwaterloo.ca/~cchieh/cact/c120/stoichio.html http://www.iun.edu/~cpanhd/C101webnotes/quantchem/thtclandpctyld.html http://www.chemtutor.com/mols.htm

Pete Rose :: essays research papers

Peter Edward Rose was born in Cincinnati in 1941. He said that when he was growing up he rooted for the Cincinnati Reds just like every other kid in the area. In the summertime of most of his childhood years he played baseball constantly. He also played in high school, however he thinks that he was a better football player than a baseball player in school. He said that he liked to play football more because many people would attend the games, and not many showed up for baseball. "You could throw a bomb into the stands at our (high school) baseball games, and you wouldn't kill anyone". If it wasn't for Pete's uncle, who was a scout for the Cincinnati Reds, he would never nave played baseball. His uncle saw him play in high school and signed him to a contract with the Reds farm system. Pete started out at the class "A" level. He rose up quickly making the starting roster for the Reds opening day team in the same year, 1963. On opening day Pete said he wasn't nervous at all until about 10 minutes before the game. It hit him that he was now starting for the Cincinnati Reds, when not more than a year ago he thought football was his life. He walked in his first at bat, on 4 straight pitches. He said it wasn't because of nerves though, he just didn't want to swing. He got his first hit in the majors three games later, against the Pittsburgh Pirates. 	Pete played with the Cincinnati Reds from 1963 to 1978, and then he signed with the Philadelphia Phillies. He played in Philly from 1979 to 1983, and then he went to the Montreal Expos for 1984. He stayed only one half year in Montreal, having a desire to retire in his hometown Cincinnati. He played his final two and a half years, 1984-1986, in Cincinnati, and then he retired. He then went on to become the Reds manager from 1987 to 1989. 	During his career Pete Rose was called "Charlie Hustle" because of the way that he played. He played a "blue-collar" game of baseball, running out everything, and diving headfirst into bases with regularity. Few players can or will ever match the passion that Pete Rose played with. Rose was the leadoff hitter for Cincinnati's "big red machine" which was a force in baseball in the 1970's.

Prison Studies Considered Essay -- Essays Papers

Prison Studies Considered In "Prison Studies" Malcolm X briefly details how, during his incarceration, he embarked on a process of self-education that forever changed him and the course of his life. Malcolm writes of his determination to learn to read and write, born out of his envy and emulation of Bimbi, a fellow prisoner. His innate curiosity, sense of pride, and ambition to learn and be someone of substance motivated him to study relentlessly. As he learned more about the world he developed a great thirst for knowledge that left him with a lifelong desire that only his continued studies could satisfy. He believed that prison offered him the best possible situation in which to educate himself. This idea of Malcolm's, that prison was the best situation in which to educate himself bears some examination. He dismisses the idea of going to college as being inferior to the education he received in prison. He speculates that college is perhaps filled with too many distractions (both ideas are found in the last paragraph of his essay, 19). While Malcolm states his argument in a way that is simple, direct and compelling, it is not an argument that is appropriate for every potential student. One would do well to consider Malcolm X's particular circumstances and his intended audience. As far as his education in prison being superior to one he would receive in college, one should consider why he would think in this way. It is obvious that his education would have put him at about the junior high school level. For a man of his age and race and resources, at the time in which he lived, there were probably very few options available for remedial education. It is remarkable and admirable that Malcolm was invested with the intelligenc... ... distractions. There are, however, a number of disadvantages to prison studies beside the obvious threats to life and limb. The requirements of colleges are intended for a greater purpose than to extract the maximum amount of time and money from the hapless student. The requirements of higher education are intended to provide a wide-ranging and well-balanced view of the world and our place in it. A complete education is intended to provide us with the tools to understand and interpret what we study. A balanced education teaches us the hard-learned lessons of history, the logical methodology of mathematics and philosophy, the transcendent vision of the poet and the artists and the skeptical review of the scientist. While I have great respect, admiration and even affection for Malcolm X, I suspect that even this great man would have benefited from a formal education.

Harry Potter Archetype paper -- J.K. Rowling

Harry Potter, in many ways follows the hero journey and archetype. Throughout the book many of his adventures and exploits leave many of the others feeling as if he were a hero. The journey he takes part in is ones that make me feel he's living a hero's journey. Harry was born with many special talents and abilities. The following paragraphs I state my views and how Harry fits the hero archetype and journey. In many ways Harry Potter fits the hero archetype. A few of the examples are as follows. When Harry was born his life was planned to be one of an ordinary wizard, but due to his parent?s death by Voldemort he was destined to live a normal muggle life with the Dursleys. Also at age ten Harry discovers he was a wizard was a surprise to him not knowing what lay ahead of him. Harry inherited many of James and Lily's traits and skills in the wizarding world, he was soon to face many of the challenges they faced. For example Harry using the flute to memorizing Fluffy to access the chamber bellows chapter sixteen page two hundred seventy five. In chapter three Harry states that when ...

Corruption in Lord of the Flies

Corruption William Gilding's book, The Lord of the Flies, shows us how seclusion from society can lead to changes in behavior and create savages out of us. For example, in the book, British school boys get trapped on a deserted island and have to fight tort their survival. The boys become corrupt due to the lack of leadership and lack of a rule system. Conflict arises over who will be proclaimed chief, the boy's priorities get mixed up, and the thirst to kill comes alive inside of them.In the beginning of the book, when Ralph gets elected leader, it becomes obvious that there Is going to be conflict between Ralph and Jack throughout the story. After Ralph gets crowned chief. Jack shows humiliation and anger towards everyone because he feels as though he should have been named leader due to the fact that he is the choir leader. He tells Ralph, â€Å"I ought to be chief because I'm chapter chorister and head boy†(22). At one point in the story, a meeting Is called on the island because Jack is starting his own group.He tells the kids, â€Å"my hunters will protect you from the beast, who will Join me†(1 50)? Jack wants to create a separate tribe and have fun, where as Ralph wants to devote his time and energy to being rescued. The lack of adult leadership allows the boys on the island to make their own decisions and their priorities are get messed up, Ralph is very focused on getting rescued and Jack Just wants to have fun. Ralph carefully instructs Jack to keep the signal fire going so that a rescue ship might see It. When a ship finally passes by,Ralph looks up to see that the signal fire is completely out and there Isn't any smoke for the boat to see, He tells Jack, â€Å"They mightn't seen us. We mightn't gone home†(70). Ralph is furious with Jack because he left the fire to go and hunt for wild pegs. Jack doesn't see any problem with letting the fire go out. In Rally's mind, one of the top priorities is getting shelter. He gets furious w hen Jack's choir boys go swimming instead of helping build cover for them. â€Å"We want shelters. The rest of your hunters came back hours ago.They've been Jack doesn't understand the concept to priorities and it shows when he allows his boys to do whatever they please. During the story, the boys begin thirsting for blood after they find hunting wild boars on the island to be exhilarating. At first, the boys just attack a pig, then they progress to kill a boar, and they Just want to kill and kill. They take it so far, that they decapitate a pig's head and skewer It with a sharpened suck. The boys proclaim that it Is â€Å"for the beast. It's a Eventually, one of the boys falls victim to the ailing spree after he is mistaken as a wild pig.The hunters start chanting, â€Å"Kill the pig. Cut her throat. Spill her blood†(69). They mercilessly murder Simon. The lack of structure that the Island kids have leads them to become crazy, unethical murderers. The Lord of the Flies sho ws us that to keep us from becoming wild, crazed savages. We need to have structure, whether from adult supervision or a set of laws. The fight for survival can lead us to do things that we never thought we would see, such as ‘Off anger, thirst tort power, and translation.

Anotated Bibliography No Child Left Behind Essay

What the paper â€Å"What’s Missing from No Child Left Behind? A Policy Analysis from a Social Work Perspective.† argues is that the No Child Left Behind bill might not be accomplishing its purpose. Moreover, the paper sheds light on the social and emotional risk factors that prevent students from succeeding in school. In the end, the article suggests that school social workers are capable of eliminating these barriers by applying in school interventions to address the psychosocial factors that highlight the difference in achievement at school. School social workers are also capable of advocating for an education policy change that looks beyond test scores and help at risk students succeed in school. Works Cited Lagana-Riordan, Christine, and Jemel P. Aguilar. â€Å"What’s Missing From No Child Left Behind? A Policy Analysis From A Social Work Perspective.† Children & Schools 31.3 (2009): 135-144. Academic Search Complete. Web. 25 Mar. 2012. This article reports the results found by a national survey taken by the state, about the national impact of the No Child Left Behind bill. Results indicate that in between 2001 and 2005 statewide assessment of science and writing increased but it decreased in the social studies, arts, humanities, and computers. The research teams found that there are few themes that come up at almost every school. The first, which is an obvious one, is that for subjects that are not tested for under the No Child Left Behind bill, the schools reduced their resources and the effort that the school puts into these areas dropped. Second, is an interesting method because they take material away from tested subjects and integrating them into the classes that are not tested for. Just so the teachers that are going to be tested have more time to focus on the testing material. The last theme is that there is no change observed, everything seems to be the same as before the No Child Left Behind bill. Works Cited Pederson, Patricia Velde. â€Å"What Is Measured Is Treasured: The Impact Of The No Child Left Behind Act On Nonassessed Subjects.† Clearing House 80.6 (2007): 287-291. Academic Search Complete. Web. 25 Mar. 2012. The article discusses how teachers are discovering that the No Child Left Behind idea is flawed, developmentally unfitting, lacking funding, and leaving more students, educators, and schools behind before the bill was passed. Later the article presents a short history about educational testing, investigates the argument of teaching to the test, and focuses on subgroups of school populations that are negatively affected by No Child Left Behind bill, distinctively students from low socioeconomic backgrounds, minorities, second-language learners, and students with special needs. Works Cited Smyth, Theoni Soublis. â€Å"Who Is No Child Left Behind Leaving Behind?.† Clearing House 81.3 (2008): 133-137. Academic Search Complete. Web. 25 Mar. 2012. This article in the Times newspaper, points out problems and flaws with the 2002 U.S. No Child Left Behind educational legislation, which was designed to improve education in the U.S. Topics that are discussed include, teachers complaints that No Child Left Behind policy sets impossible standards and forces teachers to teach based on the test material, and how the bill originally came to life by the proposal of former U.S. president George W. Bush. The other topic discussed is how originally neither the Democratic or Republican political parties were in favor of the legislation. Furthermore article explains that No Child Left Behind bill has publicized gaps between students but it did not fixed them. Works Cited Webley, Kayla. â€Å"Why It’s Time To Replace No Child Left Behind.† Time 179.3 (2012): 40-44. Academic Search Complete. Web. 25 Mar. 2012. The goals of this article are to raise awareness about the challenges educators and school mental health professionals face throughout the semester as a result of the implementation of No Child Left Behind bill. The most important part about this article is that its purpose is not just to point out the flaws caused by the No Child Left Behind bill, but to enhance the bill’s ideas and provide less interference between the bill and school mental health by coming up with ideas and solutions for the problems that they are facing. Works Cited Weist, D. Mark et al. â€Å"Enhancing No Child Left Behind–School Mental Health Connections.† Journal Of School Health 76.9 (2006): 446-451. Academic Search Complete. Web. 25 Mar. 2012.